Why I’m hopeful for Trump’s second term — and my fellow American Jews shouldn’t panic
Jewish Democrats exaggerate the dangers of a second Trump term, and downplay his accomplishments
President-elect Donald Trump. Photo by Brandon Bell/Getty Images
The prospect of President-elect’s Donald Trump return to power has unsettled many American Jews, who traditionally vote Democratic. Memories of his first term — marked by polarizing rhetoric, controversial policies, and the perception of flirtation with extremist elements — still loom large.
Please, let’s all take a deep breath. American democracy is tough and resilient, and the fears about Trump himself, and his policies, are vastly overblown. Nobody is saying Trump’s second term will be a cakewalk — politics never is. But reactions of panic anticipating the end of democracy or the rise of antisemitism are overstated and overheated.
I am an Orthodox rabbi who is visibly Jewish and deeply invovled in Jewish community life; it is clear to me why some Jews who have previously voted Democratic cast their ballots for Trump. Rising antisemitism is a reality I see and feel every day. Last December, amid vehement left-wing protests against Israel’s war in Gaza, a couple walking to our synagogue on Shabbat morning was attacked. Authorities determined the assault by a mentally disturbed individual was not a hate crime, but it only underscored the atmosphere of fear that has led my synagogue to significantly increase security.
There are good reasons to hope that Trump will meaningfully improve that atmosphere. And while concerns about his character and the risk that he might inflame right-wing antisemitism are reasonable, there are real risks to forgetting just how resilient the American governmental system proved during his first term.
It is undeniable that Trump has made our shared political life more chaotic: the late-night tweets, the scandals, and the relentless news cycle around him can make it feel like the norms of governance are unraveling.
And Trump’s involvement with high-profile purveyors of antisemitic rhetoric, including Tucker Carlson, is concerning. In a recent article in The Atlantic, Franklin Foer warned that Donald Trump is putting antisemites “in the line of presidential succession” and has nominated “a slew of cranks who have dabbled in the oldest conspiracy theory of them all, a belief that Jews control the world.” The piece claims that Trump’s potential cabinet could become “the highest-ranking collection of White House antisemites in generations.”
That stance is too extreme. Yes, there are MAGA antisemites, but Trump’s nominees have largely been extraordinarily supportive of Israel, a good indication that they have no interest in harming Jews. And Trump himself has a long and consistent track record of friendship with Jews, enduring support for Jewish causes, and a deep commitment to Israel.
Contrast that with the progressive movement, which has embraced anti-Israel rhetoric so extreme that it barely conceals the ugly scourge of antisemitism. These were the people whose protest outside a synagogue in the Pico-Robertson neighborhood last July led to violent clashes. I am far more worried about them than I am about MAGA loyalists.
Democrats were willing to give Vice President Kamala Harris a chance, even though some of her associates and political friends trafficked in anti-Israel rhetoric and actions — so why not give Trump that same chance?
And let’s not lose sight of what actually happened during Trump’s first term. Despite the noise, the drama, and the constant sense of crisis, the American political system held firm. The Overton Window — the range of ideas deemed acceptable in public discourse — may have shifted, but it didn’t shatter. The extremes were kept at bay.
Trump promised dramatic, sweeping changes: an impenetrable wall on the southern border, locking up political opponents, and repealing Obamacare. But in practice, many of these pledges, which alarmed Jews alongside other Democratic voters, proved aspirational at best — a mix of theatrics and base-pleasing rhetoric. The system’s checks and balances, along with political realities, tempered Trump’s power, and prevented any radical departures from America’s democratic foundations.
And when it came to what mattered most — economic strength and a robust foreign policy — Trump’s record was solid. The stock market hit a high only exceeded under the Clinton administration, and despite the COVID-19 downturn, Trump’s four year unemployment rate was only 5%, below the modern presidential average of 5.7%. Let’s not forget the Abraham Accords, a historic achievement of Trump’s administration that normalized relations between Israel and four Muslim-majority countries — the first such breakthrough since the peace treaty with Jordan in 1994.
In Trump’s second term, the progress he made on the Abraham Accords could extend to Saudi Arabia and countless other Muslim states.
Even those who didn’t vote for Trump can surely rally behind an effort to resolve the turmoil in the Middle East by neutralizing dangerous actors like Iran and Qatar and securing a stable future for the world’s only Jewish state.
It’s not about loving Trump or hating him. It’s about recognizing that the system works. Deep breath, everyone. We’ve got this.
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