Edgar Bronfman Used Jet-Setter Power To Defend Jewish Interests

Wasn't Afraid to Push Around Presidents and Billionaires

Global Cachet: Edgar Bronfman , left, greets Alfred Defago, right, Swiss consul general in New York, in 1997 before beginning a meeting of the World Jewish Restitution organization
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Global Cachet: Edgar Bronfman , left, greets Alfred Defago, right, Swiss consul general in New York, in 1997 before beginning a meeting of the World Jewish Restitution organization

By Cnaan Liphshiz and Julie Wiener

Published December 27, 2013.
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(JTA) — In 1992, Edgar Bronfman was preparing to leave North America for Paris for his first meeting with then-French President Francois Mitterand at the Elysee Palace when at the last minute Bronfman decided he wanted to take an unexpected meeting in Geneva instead.

So he asked Serge Cwajgenbaum, Bronfman’s right-hand man in Europe, to phone the palace and ask to reschedule. The Elysee secretary, Hubert Vendrine, exploded.

“He asked me who Edgar Bronfman thinks he is to move around a meeting with the president,” Cwajgenbaum recalled. His answer? “The owner of half the wineries and vineyards in Bordeaux.”

In the end, Mitterand met earlier with Bronfman and then gave him a police escort to the airport so Bronfman could catch his plane to Geneva.

“It’s a good demonstration of the ease with which Bronfman conducted himself with world leaders,” Cwajgenbaum says.

As the longtime head of the Seagram Company – at one point the largest distiller of alcoholic beverages in the world – Bronfman, who died last week at 84, was among the world’s most powerful industrialists, credited with expanding the company’s reach into the oil and chemical sectors and enhancing its reputation as a purveyor of high-quality spirits.

But Bronfman will be remembered in the Jewish world for bringing that same flair and jet-setter assertiveness to his defense of communal interests, most notably in his role as head of the World Jewish Congress, a position he assumed in 1981.

“Whether people liked him or disliked him, agreed or disagreed with him, there was a stature he had that no one has today,” said Rabbi Richard Marker, who served as executive vice president of the Samuel Bronfman Foundation in the 1990s.

In 1988, Bronfman flew in his private plane to Romania in the midst of an anti-Semitic campaign in state-run media targeting the country’s late chief rabbi, Moses Rosen. Shortly after landing in Bucharest, Bronfman was negotiating with the country’s Communist dictator, Nicolae Ceausescu, promising him better ties with the West in exchange for letting the WJC help Romanian Jews. He also warned that targeting Jews would increase Romania’s isolation and tighten the Soviet grip on Ceausescu.

There was another threat looming as well: The Romanian government’s plans to demolish ancient Jewish sites in Bucharest as part of a real-estate reform. Ceausescu was tried and executed the following year, but not before he managed to destroy several Jewish sites in the capital.

“If not for Bronfman’s intervention, he may have also destroyed the Choral Temple, Romania’s Grand Synagogue, during that critical period,” said Liviu Rotman, a Romanian historian who has studied Bronfman’s negotiations with Ceausescu.


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